Arrinta Qalbi-Dhagax ma fadeexaddii “Watergate” ee Somalia bay noqotey?

Isbeddel ummadeed

Arrinta Qalbi-Dhagax ma fadeexaddii “Watergate” ee Somalia bay noqotey?
September 14, 2017

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Haddii baarlamaanku u codeeyo in xilka laga qaado madaxa dawladda falkii uu kula kacay Qalbi-Dhagax awgiis oo sida la sheegay lagu bedeshay maxaabiis oo Itoobiya soo deysay, taasu waxay noqoneysaa markii ugu horreysey ee Afrika xilka looga qaado hogaamiye dawladeed dembi uu ka galey shakhsi muwaadin caadiya ah oo suuqiisa maraya.

Dhanka kale, waxay noqoneysaa talaabadii ugu weyneyd ee sharci Afrika ka jiraa uu qaado muddo dheer, marka malaha laga reebo xukunkii ay maxakamadda Kiiniya ku baabi’isey doorashadii madaxweynaha ee dalkaas. Taas oo fajaciso ku noqotey adduunka, sababtoo ah lama fileyn in sharciga Afikaanku uu gaarey heer biseyl oo uu kaga daba tegi karo, ama xitaa xukun dhexdhexaad ah ka soo saari karo arrin siyaasadeed oo weyn sida doorasho la go’aamiyey inuu ku guuleystey hoggaamiye magac leh oo qabiil xoog leh ka soo jeeda oo kursigii fadhiya oo awoodii waddanka iyo dhaqaalihii weli  gacanta ku haya.

Cadaaladda Dowladdu iyo Dhamaadka Colaadda Qabiilka.

Bar AMA Baro – Waxaa nasiib wanaag ah in xiligaan oo caalamka colaado iyo kacdoonno baahsan ey ka jiraan in soomaaliya ey cagta saarto wadadii nabadda iyo horumarka hase yeeshee waxaa jira caqabado dhowr ah oo ey ugu weyntahay fahamka dadka qaar ey ka qabaan qaabka dowladnimada amaba dowlad qaran lagu dhisi karo.

Haddii aan falanqeyno aragtiyada kala duwan ee dadku ey ka qabaan qaabka dowladnimo waxaa lagusoo koobi karaa 3-aragtiyadood oo kala ah:-

Isbeddel ummadeed

Isbeddel ummadeed

Bar AMA Baro – Marka ummad isbeddel ku dhacayo wuxuu marka hore ka bilowdaa in qofafkeedu isbeddelaan. Inuu qofku isbeddelana waxay ka bilaabataa in sida maskaxdiisu u fakarayso isbeddel ku yimaado iyo sida caqligiisu wax u arko oo uu niyadda iyo qalbigana ku haysto. Markii ay kuwaasu isbeddelaan ayaa dabadeed dhaqankiisa iyo noloshiisuna isbeddelaan oo uu ka guuraa xaaladdii hore ee uu ku sugnaa una wareegaa xaaladda cusub oo isbeddelka ah. Isbeddelka xaqiiqada ahi ma aha isbeddel-duleed ama wax la xiriira farsamo iyo taatiko iyo xeelad daahirka kore ah. Isbeddelka runta ahi waa midka qofka gudihiisa iyo baaddinkiisa ka dhaca dabadeedna ku faafa oo baddela ficilkiisa, qawlkiisa iyo dhaqankiisaba. Ummadna waxay beddalantaa markii ay qofafkeedu sidaas u beddelmaan. Waxay isbeddeshaa markii ay qaadato mabda` iyo caqiido iyada beddela oo ay nolosheeda si cusub u waafajiso.
Dalalka gaalada oo maanta itaalka rooni waxay mar hore go`aansadeen inay qaataan caqiido ku salaysan inay noloshooda Ilaah iyo diin iyo aakhiro ka dhexsaaraan kaddibna iyagoo aan awood ka korraysaa jirin iyo xisaab ka danbaysa toonna inay markaas noloshooda adduunka u taashadaan. Waxay yiraahdeen ma jirto awood shacabka ka korraysa oo wax farta ama wax reebta. Wixii aan garanno weeye arrintu. Wixii aynu xaaraamaynno ayaa xaaraan inaka ah, wixii aan xalaalaynno ayaa xalaal inoo ah, wixii aynu rabno ayaynu samaynnaynnaa wixii aynaan rabinna waa diidaynnaa. Wadaadka iyo boobkuna warkooda kaniisadda ha la galeen qofkii iyaga warkooda rabaana halkaas ha ugu tago, laakiin nolosha iyo hannaankeeda ma soo dhexgelin karaan waxa ay kaniisadda ku hayaan. Waana halka ay ka timid erayga ay calmaaniyiintu had iyo jeer isticmaalaan oo ah diin haddaad haysid masaajidka la tag.

Qormo Xiiso Badan: Amuu Federaalkaan, Filonardi Nagu Noqdaa?

Qormo Xiiso Badan: Amuu Federaalkaan, Filonardi Nagu Noqdaa?

Muqdisho(MPO)-Hor iyo horaanba, Soomaalida waa ummad walaala ah, isku af ah, isku diin, isku dhaqan ah, isku hiddo ah, nasiib darase “ISKU CAQLI AH”. Arrintaan danbe ayaa keentay inay koortii meel ka dhawaaqdaba inay sidii xoolihii hal mar dhegta kor u qaadaan, oo haddii midkooda dhankaas u dhaqaaqa la iska daba kaco. Cidi isma weydiiso, “War koortaan maqleeno ma koor xoolo jinnaa, mise waa reer agaheenna soo degay?”

Taariikhda qoran waxay tilmaameysaa in kun sideed boqol iyo sideetamaadkii, nin Reer Boontaland uu Sansibaar kula kulmay nin Talyaani ah oo la yiraahdo Filoonardi, isagoo wax hubsaninna uu keenay Hobyo una saxiixo inay Hobyo wixii ka hooseeya ay yihiin maxmiyadda Talyaaniga. Boqorkii Gobolka Bari oo tartan siyaasadeed iyo mid dhaqaale kula jiray walaalkiisii Hobyo u cararay, ayaa isna yuusan kaa badinin intuu lahaa Filonaardi u saxiixay warqad maxmiyad Talyaani ah looga dhigayay Gobolkii Bari (Magiurtinia).

Danta ninka la yiraahdo Filonardi ma ahayn qabsashada dhul lama degaan ah oo cidlo ceersi la’ ah, balse wuxuu u hanqal taagayey siduu u heli lahaa dhulbeereed, laga tabco waxyaalaha aan laga helin Talyaaniga sida mooska, canbaha iyo babayga. Xeebaha Banaadir illaa Kismaayase waxaa ka talin jiray talis hoos taga Boqorkii Cummaan ee Saciid Barkhash. Talyaaniga oo arrintaas dhabar jabin rabay, ayuu boqorkaan kor ku soo sheegay walaalkiisa ku amray inuu Filinardi geeyo Muqdisha, Marka iyo Kismaayo, Soomaalida halkaas degganna u sheego in la hubeynayo sidii ay iskaga raacdeyn lahaayeen askartii Saciid Barkhash. Waxaa Muqdisho iyo Marka ku soo xirtay markab Talyaani ah oo watay sarkaal la yiraahdo Sorrentiino, waxaase markabkaas la saarnaa Boqorkii Bari walaalkiisa.

Opinion: Edward Lowassa is not Tanzania’s Buhari

Opinion: Edward Lowassa is not Tanzania’s Buhari

Tanzania may well need change, but the incumbent party in the upcoming elections looks more likely to bring in that change than the opposition.

Waiting for a bus in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Photograph by Paul Scott.

In debates about democracies in Africa, the victory of an opposition party in elections is often seen as a great indicator of progress. This makes sense up to a point in that it suggests a degree of political openness. But getting overly preoccupied with the idea of the incumbent losing can lead us to ignore the quality of leadership across competing parties.

On 25 October, the people of Tanzania will elect a new president, and as usual in elections, many candidates are presenting themselves as bold reformers and the harbingers of ‘change’. However, this election is not a referendum on whether the country needs change for the sake of change, but a referendum on “quality of leadership” and a choice between different potential presidents and their ability to lead. The new president will face major challenges both at home and abroad, where Tanzania’s role as a stabilising actor in Great Lakes region will be tested with the crisis in Burundi and a political transition in the DRC.

Simply put, Tanzanians are faced with two key questions. Which qualities of political leadership are most important for Tanzania to succeed? And which candidate has those qualities?

Inside the race to the presidency

The two main political parties in Tanzania’s presidential battle are the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) on the one hand, and the opposition CHADEMA – which is part of the opposition alliance Ukawa – on the other. Both of these parties have undergone some significant changes over the past few months, some for better, some for worse.

At the heart of these shifts has been each party’s choice of presidential candidate. During CCM’s nomination process, the ruling party knew that if it failed to make the right decision, it could be held captive by powerful factions, vested interests and influential foreign actors. Aware of the importance of the decision, CCM’s leadership used its veto power as a “custodian of national interest” in an attempt to rebalance the political playing field and end uncertainty caused by dangerous competing political factions. This process ended with the selection of Dr John Pombe Magufuli as its candidate.

Part of this selection saw former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, who was linked to a struggle between reformists and vested interests within CCM, depart the ruling party. Lowassa had long been a party stalwart, but reformists were willing to upset some elements within the party if it meant they could get back into public’s good books regarding issues such as a corruption.

Mooshinka ka dhanka ah Madaxwaynaha oo Qodob Qodob loo Odorosay‏

Mooshinka ka dhanka ah Madaxwaynaha oo Qodob Qodob loo Odorosay‏

Movement Public Opinion – Sagaashan iyo saddex xildhibaan aa soo gudbiyay mooshin ama soo jeedin dhahaysa waa in Madaxwaynaha JFS xilka laga qaadaa sababo la xiriira, sida soo jeedinta lagu sheegay, xadgudub culus, khiyaano qaran iyo masuqmapoasuq.

Sida ku cad Dastuurka Ku meel gaarka ah, DKMG, qodobkiisa 92aad, xildhibaano ka badan 92 xildhibaan aa soo jeedin kara xilka in laga qaado Madaxwayne sababo la xiriira khiyaano qaran ama xadgudub culus oo ku saabsan dastuurka ama xeerarka kale ee u dagsan wadanka; soo jeedintaan waxaa loo gudbinaa maxkamad dastuur oo fiirinaysa in eedaymaha sal sharci ah leeyihiin iyo in kale. Haddii maxkamadda ay dhahdo eedaymaha sharci ahaan waa arrimo jira, sida ku cad faqradda 3aad, ee qodobka 92aad, waxaa loo baahnaanaa 184, qiyaas ahaan, oo u codeeya in xilka Madaxwaynaha laga qaado, bacdina si ku meel gaar ah xilka waxaa u sii haynaaya Afhayeenka Barlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya, inta madaxwayne kale laga soo dooranaayo.

Sida muuqata haddii arrintaan hirgasho waxaa dhacaysa Barlamaanka inuu ku laabto 2012 bishii Sebtember 10keedii ka hor, bacdina uu mar kale dhagaysto musharixiin, bacdina mid ka doorto. Xiligii ku meel gaarka aa loo noqonaa, intii horay loo socon lahaa, oo doorasho noocay doonto ha noqotee laga wada tashan lahaa.

Meeshaan waxaa ku dhammaanaaya waqtiga yar ee la haysto, oo ah sanad iyo dhowr maalmood. Sida ku cad qodobka lixaad ee mooshinka qoraayaasha mooshinka waxay Madaxwaynaha ku eedeeyeen inuu dalka ku celiyay xiligii ku meelgaarka ahaa, ka gadaal markii uu shirar la gudoomoyay Wakiilka Gaarka ah ee Xoghayaha Guud ee QM, Mudane Nikolas Keey. Ayagaa hadda lagu eedayn karaa inay rabaan inay wadanka ku celiyaan xiligii ku meelgaarka ahaa.

How did the West become more responsible for Syrian refugees than the countries that created the crisis?

Freedom For Right – Political responses to crises are often tardy and embarrassingly fad-driven, as with the current global outcry over the image of a three-year-old Syrian boy washed up on the Turkish shore. He was hardly the first innocent victim of one of this century’s most brutal wars. Where has the world been for the last 54 months?

Indeed, the unfolding humanitarian crisis was an entirely foreseeable consequence of Obama’s spineless Syria policy, and the Western European leaders who followed it. So, despite Obama’s efforts to anesthetize the public, it is understandable if some collective shame for Western failures — driven by tragic images that went viral — has prompted Europe suddenly to announce that it will accept more refugees from the war-torn Middle East.

But how did the West become more responsible for the Mideast refugee crisis than the wealthiest Mideast states (whose funding of Islamist rebels helped to create that crisis)? According to news reports and think tanks, Arab Gulf donors have funneled hundreds of millions of dollars to Syria in recent years, including to ISIS and other groups.

Even if Gulf states weren’t at all responsible for aggravating the Syrian refugee crisis by strengthening ISIS, their wealth, proximity, and cultural/religious affinities with the refugees should still make these countries far more responsible than Europe is for their welfare. The vast majority of refugees are Muslim Arabs. They therefore share a common language, religion, culture and ethnicity with the wealthy Gulf countries that have shunned them for reasons of national security (as if the West didn’t have such concerns). Any dialect or denominational differences Mideast refugees may have with Gulf states are nothing compared to the cultural, linguistic, ethnic, and religious differences between most Middle East refugees and the European countries they hope to enter.

Waa maxay siyaasad? | Opinion-Fikrado |

Opinion-Fikrado

Freedom For Right : Siyaasadu waxaa ay leedahay macno fara badan, laakiinse aan ku soo gaabiyo dhoor arimood.

Hadaba siyaasadu marka la qeexayo waxaa lagu macneeyaa in leeys waafajiyo wax yaabaha is diidan, sidda in la dhex dhigo dadka is qilaafsan hishiis, nabad jaceeyl iyo wadda noolaansho, tussaale ahaan qofka doonaya in uu noqddo siyaassi 1.waxaa lagga doonayaa in uu aqoon waafi ah u leeyahay siyaasada soona akhriyey kutubo faro badan ee ah kuwa uu jecel yahay iyo kuwa uusan jecleeyba.

2. Waa in uu yahay qof xallin karo dhibka markaasi yaalla ee jirra noqdaana {dadka looyeerrto marka dhibtu jirto}, markaassi ayuu u jeesan karaa dawggii siyaasadeed ee maamulka iyo kalla dambeeyntaba laheeyd, noqonaayana qof qadarrin ku dhex leh bulsha weeyntta kana qeeyb gali kara doorashooyinka xorta ah ee caddaalada ku dhissan, waxaad ogaataan taariikhdu ayaddaa is qorta, oo ifineeysa wax yaabaha jirrra waqtiga la taaggan yahay kana sheekeeysa waqtigii horre, midka la jooggo iyo mustaqbalka soo socda, dhab ahaantiinna ma dhacddo mar marka qaar in si dhab ah loo qeexo waayo?

Waxaa qaloocin kara siyaasiga in uu katago daacadnimada uu u hayay dadkiisa iyo dalkiisa iyo diintiisaba, qufka siyaasigga waa in uu ku kalsoon yahay Allahiisa weeyn, muujiyana kalsoonida uu ku qabo nafsadiisa. Siyaasigu waa in uu leeyahay mabda ama mowqif uu aminsanyahay kuna toosnaado mabda’iisa.

Haddaba The People Of Freedom waxaa lamma huraan noqotay in leeyska kaashado arrimahaasi dhibta iyo xanuunka badan waanna in si wadda jir ah loo ilaaliyo habsami u socodka siyaasada.

Waa sidda ey sheegeene, waxaa soo raaca, u addeega bulshada, hanti dhowristta, hurromarrinta hantida guud, waayo? middnimaadu waa wax dan u ah bulshadda ayaddoo soo martay marxalladdo kalla duwan, {midnimadu waa siyaasadda yoolkeedda} waanna mirro ka dhashay aqoon laggu dheehay oo laggu beeray bulshadda dhexdeedda, waxeeyna soo martaa amma ka timaadda duggsiyadda wax barasho, wargeeysyadda , idaacaddaha, tv,yadda ,maktabaddaha, dicaayaddaha wadooyinka laggu muujiyo sawir ahaan ,aflaantta iwm.

Soomaaliya ma qaadi karto Toban Madaxweyne iyo wax la mid ah!

Spring Times – Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, Madaxweynaha Soomaaliland, Madaxweynaha Puntland, Madaxweynaha Jubba-land, Madaxweynaha K/G, Madaxweynaha Galmudug, Madaxweynaha Khaatumo iyo Madaxweynayaal kale oo jidka ku soo jira ayay leedahay Soomaaliya, Madaxweyne walba wuxuu leeyahay Calan u gaar ah iyo Astaan miyuusiq oo loo garaaco, waa amar Madaxweyne waana qasab mar walba oo Madaxweynuhu baxayo ama uu imaanayo in roog gaduudan (cas) loo dhigaa isla markaana si mug leh loogu soo baxaa haddii kale Madaxweynuhu wuxuu qaadayaa talaabo sharciga waafaqsan.

Dhaqan ahaan Madaxweynayaasha Soomaaliya waxay ka siman yihiin Musuq-maasuq, Ku takri- fal Awoodeed, Caburin Siyaasadeed, Balan qaadyo Maran, Kursi Jaceyl, Daacadnimo la’aan, Is- mahadin, Xushmo daro iyo iney u caroodaan ruuxii aan ugu yeerin Madaxweyne, hawsha ay inta badan isku dhabar jabiyaan waa Naceybka, Colaada iyo Dhufayska uu mid walba uga jiro Madaxweynaha kale, xariif kasta wuxuu jecel yahay inuuu iska dhig-dhigo ama uu matalo Madaxweynihii Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqoraadiga Soomaaliya ahna Xoghayihii guud ee Xisbiga Hantiwadaaga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed ee xilligiisii wada xukumayay Dalka oo dhan, gedigood waa Kali-taliyayaal hadafkoodu uu yahay sidi ay Xilkooda u sii xajisan lahaayeen.
La yaab waxaa leh marka ay is booqanayaan, Madaxweyne walba waxaa caado u ah inuu dhinac istaago Calanka uu samaystay, muuqaal ahaan waxay u ek yihiin labba (2) Wadan oo Madaxweynayaashoodu ay is booqanayaan, haddii aad dhagaysato khudbadahooda waxaa ka dha-dhansan kartaa inuu mid kasta iskiis u yahay Dawlad Madax banaan, Dawladda Itoobiya ayaa marti qaad rasmi ah ii fidisay, Madaxweynaha Kenya ayaa heshiis la soo galay, Shir caalami ah oo arimaha Soomaliya looga hadlaayo ayaa ka qeyb galayaa, Beesha caalamka waa inaysan soo fara galin arimaha Dawladayda iyo ereyo kale ayay la soo indha cad yihiin Madaxweynayaasha faraha badan ee Soomaaliya.
Sharci ahaan sida ku qoran Dastuurka Federaalka Soomaaliya wuxuu qeexayaa Dalku inuu yahay Wadan Federaal ah, Dawlad Goboleedyaduna ay hoos tagayaan Dawladda dhexe, magac kastaa ha loo bixiyee Hor joogayaasha Maamul Goboleedyaduna ay ka hoos shaqeynayaan Madaxweynaha Qaranka, tilmaantaasi cidna kuma dhaqanto, Madaxweyne kasta qumanahiisaa qoorta u suran, talaabooyinka uu qaadayana waa mid isaga u qaas ah, mana jiryo Madaxweyne xaq dhawr u haya Madaxweynaha Dawladda Dhexe in ay isku dhereriyaan mooyee.
Sida muuqata Qiimihii, Sharafkii, Heybadii, Hab maamuuskii iyo Tixgilintii uu lahaa Magaca Madaxweyne maanta ma jirto, runtiina xilligaan magacaasi waa URAY mar haddii ay habar walba sheeganayso Madaxweynanimo, nasiib daro magacaasi wuxuu ka mid noqday magacyadii horey u Nah-beelay (qiima dhacay) sida Ugaas,Taliye, Gudoomiye, Malaaq, Wasiir, Masuul sare, iyo Dattore, kuwaasi oo iminka loogu yeero haddba ruuxii shilimaad laga doonayo.
Soomaaliya ma qaadi karto Toban Madaxweyne iyo wax la mid ah, waa ayaan daro Soomaaliya oo ah Dal yar iyo Dad kooban iney lahaato tirada Madaxweynayaasha intaasi la eg, wey fiicnaan lahayd in caqligu shaqeeyo si xal loogu helo Madaxweynayaashaan is bar-bar yaacaya, tallo ahaan horey waxaa loo soo jeediyay in Wadanku uu lahaado Madaxweynaha Qaranka oo kaliya, Madaxweynayaasha Maamul Goboleedyadana loo helo magac bixin kale, balse arintasi waxaa lugta ku dhuftay qaar ka mid ah Hogaamiyaasha ay madax martay in loogu yeero Madaxweyne.
F.G: (WAA DOOD FURAN) mar haddii lagu wada waashay in Madaxweyne la wada noqdo, tuulo kastana ay doonayso iney ku dhawaaqdo Madaxweyne u gaar ah, feker ahaan side baa lagu kala saari karaa Madaxweynaha Qaranka iyo Madaxxweynayaasha kale, magaca Madaxweyne ma wada sidanayaan (qaadanayaan) oo sidiisa maa loogu deynayaa mise erey bixin kale ayaa loo heli karaa Madaxweynayaasha Maamul Goboleedyada, maxaey tahay talladaada?

A LETTER TO A YOUNG SOMALI FRIEND OF MINE

A LETTER TO A YOUNG SOMALI FRIEND OF MINE
Adv Dr. Abdulqadir Tallman
advtallman@gmail.com

Dear Farah Hasan Amalo,

You have made a good diagnosis: injustice and clanism are what are consuming the Somali body politic. I would add, poisonous interference of the ‘international community.

Now that, with your help, we have identified the disease(s), what is the next logical step?
I think it is to treat the patient.

Do you think the Kenyan, Ethiopian soldiers in Somalia are the right drugs to cure this (Somali)
patient? Personally, I think those aren’t the right drugs. Rather,they are meant to poison the patient.

That is why I am calling for the withdrawal from Somalia of troops from both Kenya and Ethiopia. Bring Egyptian, Moroccan, Algerian, Indian, Chinese, American, Nepalese, Brazilian, Australian troops. In short, bring troops from every country in the world, with the exception of Kenya and Ethiopia.

Why is the International Community’ not interested in such suggestions? I think it is because the ‘international community’ is not trying to heal Somalia, but to ‘waterboard’ it till Somalis accept Kenya and Ethiopia rule.